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By Sabah Alnasseri

This edited quantity brings jointly international views on twenty-first century Arab revolutions to theoretically and methodologically hyperlink those modern uprisings to resistance and protest activities around the world, notably within the Americas. of their analyses of those alterations, the overseas members have interaction in an exploration of numerous issues akin to social hobbies and cultures of resistance, geopolitical economics, civic advantage, identification development, human rights, and overseas monetary and political impact. what's the historic value of those revolutions? What are the results past the center East? and the way are struggles in different areas of the realm being prompted via those occasions? those heretofore principally unanswered questions are addressed during this assortment, built from displays at a 2013 overseas convention at the “Arab Revolutions and past” at York college, Toronto, Canada.

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My critique builds on dissenting intellectual traditions, among which I include classical political economy, Marx and Engels, the classical theorists of imperialism, the Bolshevik account of uneven and combined development (UCD), critics of neoclassical economics like Keynes and Polanyi, the sprawling recent literature on developmental states and the economic history of Robert Brenner. The alternative account of the capitalist world order I build with these resources understands the evolution of the capitalist world order as a dialectic of UCD in which combined development—including combined capitalist development as well as transitions of backward countries to socialism—plays a critical role.

The financialized pattern of US growth that now emerged reached what would turn out to be only its first crisis in the 1987 stock market crash. ’ election to his Democratic challenger. And this, as I detail in Geopolitical Economy, was followed by two phases of bubble-driven growth—of the stock market and housing bubbles—organized under the ideologies of ‘globalization’ and ‘empire’ which have today landed the USA in the economic mess it finds itself in today. The development which would eventually lead US military hubris to take leave of economic realities so completely as to mount the most aggressive and unilateralist, not to mention most expensive, phase of US foreign policy under Bush Jr’s ‘empire’ on the back of an economy that had never been weaker—the migration of US military hawks, known today as the neoconservatives, from the Democratic Party to the Republicans—occurred in the 1970s.

However, in the course of what Arno Mayer called the ‘thirty years war’ of the twentieth century (1914–1945), this multipolarity appeared to mutate into what has since been termed US hegemony. Charles Beard 20 R. DESAI (1935) and William Appleman Williams (1972) had long argued that the USA had always conceived itself as an expanding empire. Moreover, by the early twentieth century, it had reformulated its expansionary aims into a desire to emulate nineteenth-century British dominance for the twentieth century (Parrini 1969).

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