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By Bereket H. Selassie

The Horn of Africa, a strategically vital region embracing Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, and Djibouti, has been an area of uninterrupted armed clash for almost 20 years. within the first a part of this publication, Bereket Selassie indicates how this clash, which has price millions of lives and despatched tens of hundreds of thousands of refugees wandering into the wilderness, is rooted within the region's historical past and geography. Its important resource lies within the nature of the Ethiopian empire-state, whose imperialist personality didn't change—despite pronouncements to the contrary—with the overthrow of the semifeudal rule of Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974. the 1st chapters define the origins of the Ethiopian kingdom, the expansion of the competition to Haile Selassie and to the regime that changed him, and express how this in flip resulted in the ruthless suppression of nationwide and democratic activities and fueled militant liberation fronts between suppressed nationalities. Selassie then turns to an research of the historical past and improvement of those liberation events, together with their struggles, courses, and effectiveness. He areas this dialogue in the context of the clash among the “territorial integrity” of an inherited empire and the appropriate to self-determination of a suppressed country. In separate chapters, he discusses the Eritrean anti-colonial fight, the Tigrean and Oromo nationwide liberation struggles, and Somalia’s fight to regain its “lost territories.” within the ultimate part, Selassie then argues that during order to appreciate those occasions, it's also essential to comprehend the an important position performed through outdoor intervention within the Horn. He analyzes the actions and moving alliances of the large powers (the Soviet Union and the USA) and of the neighboring Arab nations.

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The Red terror has been tragic testimony to a revolution gone astray under a leadership heady with its own power. Whatever positive results there may have been from early reforms have been negated by the crippling effects of the terror campaign, as both life and work lost all meaning. ” And the habitual and massive use of violence cannot stop, for the regime’s survival now depends on it. The Dergue had proclaimed itself the creator of the “demo­ cratic revolution,” and yet it did not take long for its anti­ democratic nature to be revealed.

7 The campaigners also encouraged the peasants to give the asso­ ciations’ judicial committees jurisdiction over all civil and criminal matters, which undermined the power of the police and judges, who represented the central state. ” In the cities, the labor unions were infiltrated by EPRP cadres, and, operating through the Confederation of Ethiopian Labor Unions (CELU), they too de­ manded that a provisional people’s government be established. The third event was the anti-feudal reform that abolished the tenancy system, and the nationalization of several enterprises and of urban land.

This date may be regarded as the high point of the revolution and it is the date celebrated as Revolution Day. When the emperor was Ethiopia: Empire and Revolution 29 taken from his palace in a small Volkswagon, masses of people thronged the streets of Addis Ababa thundering, “Robber! ” It was the end of Haile Selassie, and the end of an era. The Dergue then issued a proclamation (see Appendix 2) formally replacing the emperor as head of state. Prior to this, few had known its membership, which was now revealed to be 120 men, officers below the rank of major and enlisted men, repre­ senting all units of the armed forces, police, and the old militia, known as the territorial army.

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