By Colin Gordon
Why, on my own between commercial democracies, does the U.S. no longer have nationwide medical insurance? whereas many books have addressed this query, lifeless on Arrival is the 1st to take action in accordance with unique archival examine for the whole sweep of the 20 th century. Drawing on quite a lot of political, reform, enterprise, and exertions files, Colin Gordon lines a fancy and interwoven tale of political failure and personal reaction. He examines, in flip, the emergence of personal, work-based advantages; the uniquely American pursuit of "social insurance"; the effect of race and gender at the future health care debate; and the continuing disagreement among reformers and robust fiscal and healthiness interests.Dead on Arrival stands on my own in accounting for the failure of nationwide or common future health coverage from the early 20th century to the current. As importantly, it additionally indicates how numerous pursuits (doctors, hospitals, sufferers, employees, employers, exertions unions, clinical reformers, and political events) faced the query of health and wellbeing care--as a personal accountability, as a job-based profit, as a political legal responsibility, and as a primary right.Using healthiness care as a window onto the common sense of yankee politics and American social provision, Gordon either deepens and informs the modern debate. Fluidly written and deftly argued, useless on Arrival is hence not just a compelling background of the future health care crisis yet a desirable exploration of the country's political economic system and political tradition via "the American century," of the position of non-public pursuits and personal merits within the shaping of social coverage, and, finally, of the methods the yank welfare country empowers but additionally imprisons its electorate.
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Additional info for Dead on Arrival: The Politics of Health Care in Twentieth-Century America (Politics and Society in Twentieth Century America)
14 CHAPTER ONE the state to displace the father. Sheppard-Towner counted uneven success. Funds were limited, and (at the insistence of organized medicine) Congress appropriated money for public health education but not the provision of care. Still, in many settings local health activists accomplished a great deal with limited resources and beneath the professional radar of the medical associations. But conservatives hammered away at the program through the 1920s, eroding federal appropriations and undermining state participation.
The administration toyed with the idea of “kiddycare,” which would pull Social Security’s maternal health (Title V) programs and Medicaid into comprehensive coverage for maternity and early childhood, but as a 1967 Health Task Force concluded, “rising costs and present budget constraints” kept it off the table. 39 Private and public health coverage continued to grow between 1950 and 1965, although it is difﬁcult—given uneven reporting, overlapping coverage, and a bewildering array of group plans and forms of coverage—to offer anything but rough estimates.
Social Security, 227–38; “Mr. Mills’s Elder-medi-bettercare,” Fortune 71:6 (June 1965): 167; “Speciﬁcations for a Three Part Health Plan” (3/3/65), WHCF LE/IS 75, LBJ Papers. 38 Report of the 1964 Task Force on Health (Nov. 1964), Box 1, Task Force Reports, LBJPL; (quote) Starr, Transformation of American Medicine, 375; “Mr. Mills’s Elder-medi-bettercare,” 166–67; “Medicare: The Major Defects,” The Nation 200 (28 June 1965): 698; BW (17 Jan. 1970): 51; Theodore Marmor, “Coping with a Creeping Crisis: Medicare at Twenty,” in Social Security: Beyond the Rhetoric of Crisis, ed.